Less than two years ago, some Israeli reservists threatened to put down their rifles. They marched in Tel Aviv, signed letters of protest, and warned that serving under a government dismantling the country’s democratic foundations would be a betrayal of their values.
Today, many of those same reservists are packing bags and crossing back into Gaza.
“I’ve been called up three times already,” says Liel Friedmann, a 38-year-old infantry reservist from Tel Aviv. “People ask, ‘Why are you going again?’ But this isn’t a social club. There’s no one else. That’s the truth.”
Friedmann, who spoke to The Media Line just hours before deployment, reflects a broader transformation among segments of Israeli society once aligned with protest. His voice—anxious but resolved—embodies the fatigue of war and the burden of necessity.
“I try not to think too much about civilian life when I’m called,” he says. “The second round, a few months ago, felt pointless. It was like we were just stretching the war out. But now it feels more focused, like there’s a goal.”
That goal—at least in the eyes of Israel’s military establishment and right-leaning security circles—is the complete dismantling of Hamas and the return of 59 hostages still believed to be held in Gaza. To achieve that, the government is now calling up tens of thousands of reservists in what may be the most extensive reserve mobilization since October.
War is a matter of survival
According to Lt. Col. (res.) Yaron Buskila, secretary-general of the Israel Defense and Security Forum, this call-up is not a matter of policy—it’s a matter of survival.
“This is not a choice. It’s a necessity,” he tells The Media Line. “There is no way to defeat Hamas or to bring the hostages home without reserve forces. Negotiations could drag on for years—and that would only endanger the hostages further.”
Buskila, a vocal supporter of the war effort, warns that internal criticism—even from those with a military background—risks emboldening the enemy.
“When people speak out publicly in uniform or as former officers, they send a message to Hamas that Israeli society is fractured,” he says. “It hardens Hamas’ positions. It’s like a worker at Intel launching a campaign against Intel’s strategic goals.”
Still, not all reservists are deploying with a clear conscience. Some, Friedmann included, express discomfort with the political context they are returning to.
“There’s a lot of ego and self-interest at the top,” he says. “Some of my friends won’t go this time—not because they’re traitors, but because they’re not okay. Mentally, emotionally. And some just don’t trust the government to have their back if they’re taken hostage.”
No longer leading a campaign of refusal
The unease is shared by Oren Shvil, a lieutenant colonel and senior figure in Brothers and Sisters in Arms, a protest movement formed during the battle against Israel’s judicial overhaul. Before the war, the group endorsed selective refusal as a form of democratic resistance. After October 7, that position shifted.
“We no longer lead a campaign of refusal,” Shvil explains in an exclusive conversation with The Media Line. “We leave it to each individual to decide where their red line is. But yes, October 7 changed everything. This is not the same country, not the same reality.”
Yet even as his organization supports the war effort, Shvil remains deeply critical of the government’s conduct.
“While reservists are risking their lives, this government continues to pass laws, fire watchdogs, and push forward anti-democratic measures,” he says. “There’s a deep sense of discomfort. Many feel betrayed.”
He also calls out the Israeli military establishment for continuing to exempt the ultra-Orthodox sector from mandatory service: “This is a moral breach of contract. If the IDF actually recruited haredim, things would look very different. At the very least, it would have integrity before those already serving.”
For Shvil, the role of Brothers and Sisters in Arms has evolved—from protest to full-spectrum resistance. “We’re not just a protest group anymore. We’re fighting for Israel’s democracy on all fronts—public, political, and educational,” he says. “It’s not enough to wait for the next election. We need to educate for democracy. This is a long-term fight.”
As tens of thousands of Israelis report for duty once again, the picture is complex. Loyalty to the country does not mean loyalty to its leaders. For some, the uniform is a burden. For others, it’s a line of defense—for their families, for democracy, and for the right to keep fighting for both.
“I just want it to end,” Friedmann says. “I want this to be the last round. I’ve gone back and forth from Gaza three times. And the hostages … have been there since day one. If this is the push that ends it, then I’ll go. It’s the least I can do.”
The Media Line reached out to the Israeli Defense Forces for comment, but the IDF declined to respond.
