Amid Israel's war with Hamas, an old national wound has erupted with new urgency: the conscription of haredi (ultra-Orthodox) yeshiva students.
With the High Court of Justice demanding equal service for all citizens and the military in dire need of reinforcements, the government is scrambling to formulate a new draft law. But coalition fractures, judicial constraints, and deep-rooted cultural divides make consensus elusive.
Israel’s conscription crisis has festered for decades, ever since founding Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion granted temporary draft exemptions to a few hundred haredi scholars in the early years of the state.
That number has since ballooned to tens of thousands, with full-time Torah study often serving as a shield from IDF service. Legislative attempts to balance religious study with military obligation have repeatedly collapsed in political deadlock or been struck down by the High Court.
In 2012, the Court invalidated the “Tal Law” that allowed blanket deferrals. A 2014 reform imposed quotas and threatened sanctions, only to be reversed in 2015 under haredi pressure.
The Court nullified that rollback in 2017, giving the Knesset one year to act—a deadline missed over and over amid endless coalition wrangling. The most recent attempt, in 2022, passed only a first reading before elections brought Benjamin Netanyahu back to power, with haredi parties demanding total exemption.
Now, with the legal basis for deferments expired and the IDF stretched thin, the political establishment is cornered. In a series of interviews with The Media Line, opposition leaders and a prominent haredi rabbi laid bare the tensions and stakes of Israel’s conscription crossroads.
Lapid: ‘They’re stuck in a loop’
Opposition leader Yair Lapid did not mince words when asked about the government’s current efforts.
“They’re stuck in a loop,” he said. “There’s a war. The army is demanding these soldiers. And at the same time, this government is issuing reserve call-ups to people who’ve already done 200, 250, 300 days of service—wearing them down in a completely impossible way—while trying to help 20,000 healthy young men avoid serving altogether.”
Lapid believes the public, including parts of the religious nationalist camp, has had enough.
“Even in their own camp, people are saying: ‘I’ve lost friends. I’ve lost family. My kids are in the reserves.’ The national-religious public has paid the highest price in this war. There’s massive anger at the very idea of encouraging draft dodging.”
Adding fuel to the fire, Lapid cited a staggering estimate: “A representative from Smotrich’s Finance Ministry was asked in committee—what’s the lifetime value of all the benefits granted to a haredi who doesn’t serve? His answer: about 1.5 million shekels per person. Multiply that by 80,000 who don’t serve, and you’re looking at 120 billion shekels.”
That figure includes discounted daycare, housing benefits, stipends, and more. “People won’t accept a reality where we send our kids to die and pay for others to stay home,” Lapid declared.
Matan Kahana: Government ‘rewarding’ haredim for not serving
MK Matan Kahana of the centrist National Unity party, a former fighter pilot and religious Zionist, echoed Lapid’s frustration—but added a layer of moral paradox.
“The government is calling up tens of thousands of reservists—for their fifth, sixth, even seventh deployment. Their families are breaking, their businesses are collapsing, their degrees are on hold,” he said. “And with the other hand, the same government is doing everything it can to incentivize draft refusal.”
“They continue funding the yeshivot (Jewish educational facilities), giving property tax breaks, daycare subsidies. Not only are they not drafting haredim—they’re rewarding them for not serving.”
Kahana, who served as religious affairs minister in a previous government, emphasized that the problem lies in treating the haredi public as a collective bloc.
“When I got my draft notice, no one looked at me as a religious Zionist or a member of a movement. I got a personal letter based on my ID number. But the haredim are handled collectively, not individually—and as long as that continues, nothing will change.”
Still, Kahana recognizes the cultural gap. “They didn’t grow up like us. We dressed up as soldiers on Purim. We heard stories of IDF heroes. We knew we’d serve one day. Their childhood heroes were Torah scholars, not combat fighters. We need to change the language, build frameworks that don’t threaten their way of life, and start with 100 recruits. Then maybe 1,000.”
Court’s intervention 'blocks democratic process' — Rabbi Yehoshua Pfeffer
For Rabbi Yehoshua Pfeffer, chairman of Netzach Yehuda and a leading haredi voice advocating responsible integration, the problem lies in timing, trust, and the Court.
“The Court’s ruling is problematic because it blocks the democratic process,” Pfeffer said. “There’s a deep realization within haredi society since October 7th that something must change. But the rabbis say, even if we agree to a compromise, the Supreme Court will just strike it down. That threat makes agreement impossible.”
Pfeffer, who leads initiatives to ease haredi enlistment, believes the IDF bears its share of the blame.
“For years, the army didn’t really want haredim. It’s a headache—kosher food, prayer times, gender separation. Even in the existing haredi units, the army failed to uphold its own guidelines. That eroded trust.”
But that’s changing, he says. “Since October 7th, the IDF has been making a real effort. There’s now a full haredi brigade. We’re seeing meaningful steps toward culturally appropriate integration. And many haredim understand now: this isn’t just about equality. It’s about solidarity. We can’t enjoy the benefits of security without contributing to it.”
Still, Pfeffer rejects the idea—floated by haredi parties—that full-time Torah study should be legally equivalent to military service.
“It’s not comparable. Who will assess whether someone is really serving the country by studying? Army service must stand alone. Torah learning is vital, but the two cannot be treated as equal under the law.”
Incentives: Institutional or personal?
A growing debate centers on whether yeshiva funding should be tied to enlistment. Pfeffer advocates a nuanced approach.
“Institutional sanctions won’t work. Yeshivot can raise money elsewhere. Last year, they brought in $100 million from the US. But personal incentives—that’s different. If a young man knows he’ll gain by serving and lose by not serving, we’ll see real movement.”
He points to Netzach Yehuda’s new programs, like “KOD-CODE,” which places haredi men in elite IDF tech units—some without even wearing uniforms. “It’s not just about soldiers. It’s about normalizing service. Making it acceptable. That will change the culture.”
'They’re paying them to dodge' — Lapid on public rage
Back in the political arena, Lapid warns of a breaking point.
“It’s not just draft dodging,” he said. “It’s state-funded draft dodging. Not only are they dodging, they’re also being paid to dodge. That realization has exploded in the public consciousness.”
When asked what kind of law might unite the nation, Lapid was blunt: “I don’t see anyone voting for a bill that justifies this situation. And it’s not even necessary. There’s already a law—the mandatory defense service law. According to the High Court, that’s now the binding law. Everyone is supposed to serve.”
The coalition is under pressure. Haredi parties have threatened to block the state budget if a law isn’t passed guaranteeing exemptions. Defense officials say the army urgently needs combat troops. The public, still reeling from war casualties, is increasingly intolerant of inequality.
Amid the chaos, Lapid struck a note of possibility.
“Some haredim are already serving with pride,” he said. “We just have to help them cross the first threshold—and make sure others follow.”
Rabbi Pfeffer agrees, but insists the conversation must shift from anger to partnership.
“We must learn to speak to one another again,” he said. “The haredim are not just a challenge—they are partners in rebuilding this country after October 7. But we must respect each other, listen, and build a future where every citizen plays a role.”
