During my visit to Israel this week, I made clear that the UK views the relationship between our two countries as vital to our shared interests, prosperity, and national security.
Naturally, there will always be some disagreements between friends. Labour Friends of Israel (LFI) opposed the restrictions on some arms sales to Israel imposed last September.
We believe the International Criminal Court’s case against Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant is morally suspect, legally dubious, and we wouldn’t have dropped Britain’s objection to it.
And we have argued that any UK funding for the UN Relief and Works Agency needs to be tied to reforms that go far further than those the agency has so far adopted; the shocking revelation that Emily Damari was held in a UNRWA facility illustrates just how necessary this is.
But it is also important that we recognize that these disagreements between London and Jerusalem are just part of a wider, more positive picture of the Labour government’s approach to the Jewish state and the regional dangers it faces.
Our prime minister, Keir Starmer, stood staunchly by Israel’s side after the October 7 atrocities. He continues to do so – insisting on Israel’s right to self-defense, calling for the release of all the hostages, and demanding that Hamas play no further role in the governance of Gaza.
This week, when the UN’s Human Rights Council holds its annual debate on “the human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories,” Britain will refuse to participate in the vote – recognizing that “Agenda item 7” egregiously singles out Israel for opprobrium.
This reflects the Labour government’s determination to play a mature, balanced, and constructive role in the tragic conflict between Israel and the Palestinians.
While remaining committed to a two-state solution, in opposition, Labour dropped its Corbyn-era support for immediate unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state. In government, it hasn’t followed other European states – most recently, Spain, Norway, and Ireland – in pursuing a step that would do little to advance the kind of direct negotiation and mutual compromises that a long-lasting settlement will require.
Instead, the foreign secretary has rightly recognized that the path to a Palestinian state is linked to a wider framework involving normalized relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia.
The prime minister is clear-sighted about the other crucial element in the regional equation: the threat posed by the Iranian regime. That threat isn’t just to Israel and our other allies in the region but to Britain and Europe, too.
Starmer's pledge to the Middle East
Starmer declared at last year’s LFI annual lunch that Iran is a “state sponsor of terror,” and pledged, “I will not turn a blind eye while Iran seeks to destabilize the Middle East.”
Last October, the government responded to Tehran’s direct attack on Israel by announcing new sanctions against senior Iranian military figures and the Iranian Space Agency, following earlier measures to disrupt Iran’s UAV and missile industries and its access to items critical for military development.
Earlier this month, the government announced a review of the UK’s counter-terrorism legislation to ensure it can counter “modern-day state threats, such as those from Iran.” Crucially, this review will examine how to fulfill Labour’s pledge to proscribe Tehran’s terror army, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
The announcement was coupled with the news that the entire Iranian state – including the IRGC and the Ministry of Intelligence – will be placed on the top tier of the government’s new Foreign Influence Registration Scheme, designed to expose those working for Iran’s ayatollahs on British soil.
The government has also been vocal in its condemnation of the “Moscow-Tehran” alliance, which has brought death and destruction to Europe with Russia’s indiscriminate bombardment of Ukrainian civilians with the aid of Iranian-supplied suicide drones and missiles.
The UK’s recognition of the multi-headed nature of the Iranian threat – domestically, to Europe, and Israel and the Middle East – is furthered by its tough stance on the Iranian nuclear threat. The Labour government has reiterated its predecessor’s commitment that Iran must never be allowed to develop or acquire a nuclear weapon.
There has also been close cooperation on what continues to be our first priority – the return of the hostages, despicably held for over 500 days in the most unthinkable of conditions.
Our Ministry of Defence conducts surveillance flights to locate the hostages. In Parliament, the very first event LFI held following the election was with the hostage families to hear their stories and stand with them in demanding Hamas immediately release their loved ones.
There is much scope for even closer ties between Britain and Israel – not just in terms of security but on trade, tech, and culture. I’m pleased the government has reiterated its desire to prioritize a Free Trade Agreement with Israel.
I flew straight from Israel to the UAE, something that no British parliamentarian would have been able to do just five short years ago. I discussed how the UK can do more to support widening and deepening the process of regional peace.
As a first step, LFI has called for our government to establish a special envoy for the Abraham Accords, with the status of an ambassador, tasked with encouraging additional countries to normalize relations with Israel.
The UK government is also taking action to protect and support the British Jewish community. Since the 7 October attacks, antisemitic incidents have alarmingly reached historic highs and anti-Israel demonstrations – representing a small but vocal minority – have caused deep concern for British Jews.
This week, the government announced new powers for police to stop protests from demonstrating outside places of worship, including synagogues, highlighting a clear response that our government has zero-tolerance for anti-Israel intimidation.
From the dark years of the Corbyn era, the prime minister has transformed the Labour Party to a place where Jews are welcome again in their historic political home. He is taking the same uncompromising approach to stamping out the rise of antisemitism in Britain.
It’s inevitable that our governments won’t always see eye to eye.
But the relationship between Britain and Israel is much deeper than the political complexion of the government in London or Jerusalem at any given time.
While historically complex, it is built on the foundations of our shared liberal democratic values, which we must always protect and cherish.
The writer is a British MP and chair of Labour Friends of Israel.
