One hundred senior figures from Israel’s business community have come together to promote a new regional order in the Middle East, launching the “Abraham Shield” plan as part of the Coalition for Regional Security, which aims to advance normalization with Arab states.
This effort had reached a peak just before the war, but faded from public discourse following the October 7 massacre. Now, the initiative is once again back on the table in a serious way.
Founders of the Coalition include Brig.-Gen. (res.) Udi Dekel, director of the “From Conflict to Resolution” program at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) and former head of negotiations with the Palestinians; Lian Polak-David, strategic advisor and former adviser in the Prime Minister’s Office and the National Security Council; Koby Huberman, founder of “Israel Initiates” and author of “The Regional Initiative,” a pioneer of Israel’s regional strategy since 2006; Moti Cristal, expert in negotiations and crisis management, and a former member of Israeli negotiating teams with Jordan and the Palestinians; and Attila Somfalvi, strategic and political consultant.
“We have a real, perhaps one-time, opportunity to advance normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia, and to create a regional coalition with Arab states that focuses not only on political matters but also economic, infrastructure, and technological ones,” Dekel said. “One of Hamas’s goals in the October 7 attack was to block this normalization – we were very close.”
Dekel expressed frustration that the Israeli media paid so little attention to this.
“This is a strategic initiative that could place Israel in an entirely different position over the next decade, and unfortunately, the political system isn’t addressing it either. There’s no real discussion, even though there is a broad consensus around it.”
Isolating the enemy
A new survey conducted by the INSS in partnership with the Coalition for Regional Security examined public attitudes on Israel’s opportunities and challenges in the Middle East, particularly the hostage deal and establishing relations with moderate Arab states.
The survey showed overwhelming support for both goals, with over 72% of respondents backing a new diplomatic plan from President Trump that would include the return of hostages, an end to the war, normalization with Saudi Arabia, a path toward separation from the Palestinians, and a US-led regional security alliance against Iran.
“These results reinforced our understanding that we must bring this initiative to center stage,” Dekel said. “We’ve also consulted with regional stakeholders in Arab countries and received positive feedback. We have multiple communication channels open with relevant states, and the international community has also responded positively.”
“Clearly, only a move like this can weaken Iran and empower moderates in the Middle East, thereby preserving Israel’s national security,” Polak-David added.
“If this was strategic before October 7, it is now even more critical. The public isn’t fully aware of what’s truly at stake, the strategic components involved, and how military achievements can be translated into a new regional order where Iran—the main and most dangerous enemy—is truly weakened and isolated.”
The initiative also addresses the unresolved Palestinian issue and the question of Gaza’s future.
“This issue isn’t being seriously addressed either,” Polak-David said. “We need a shift in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict approach. There are two main camps: one believes only in direct negotiations, which haven’t worked, and the other in managing the conflict, which has also failed. What hasn’t been tried—and what we advocate—is a regional approach, through which innovative solutions for Gaza can be reached with significant involvement from moderate Arab states.”
According to her, pragmatic solutions are key.
“We’re addressing the future diplomatic horizon not through outdated concepts that failed, but through new approaches with real potential. All while maintaining Israel as a Jewish and democratic state—our core national interest. No one is giving prizes, especially not to Hamas.”
A new sheriff in town
Dekel emphasized that the American interest is also central.
“They were the ones who originally put this idea on the table. It’s at the heart of their interests. The US wants its regional coalition partners to work together—so it can reduce its military presence here.”
“But time isn’t on our side,” he added. “We have a real opportunity now after achieving major gains, particularly against Lebanon and Iran. Now is the time to push a political initiative. Yet Israel’s current government fears such ideas and believes only in using force. We’ve seen this in the hostage negotiations and the humanitarian aid situation—it’s as if they prefer to have things forced on them due to US pressure rather than take proactive steps.”
“Even with American backing, it’s important to emphasize that this is a public Israeli initiative, not a political one,” Polak-David stressed.
“We sent a letter to President Trump as he entered office, laying out the plan and the poll results showing over 70% public support in Israel. It’s crucial that he knows this. It also sends a signal to regional partners that the Israeli public is on board.”
Putting aside security concerns for a moment, there’s long been discussion about the economic potential of normalization.
“The economic component is huge,” they said. “We want the public to understand the opportunity we now have. These countries want to see that Israel is on a path of moderation and progress, and also that there is a viable outlook for resolving the Palestinian issue.”
“If we want Saudi Arabia and the UAE to invest in rebuilding Gaza and bring their moderate influence to replace Iran’s radical one, we must understand they won’t do so without a clear horizon. They need assurance that five years from now, there won’t be another war erasing their investment.”
“Our goal is to work on two tracks,” Dekel added, “both public and governmental. We need meaningful changes in Israel—especially around infrastructure.”
So, what is the solution for “the day after” in Gaza?
According to Polak-David, the issues of the regional opportunity and the future of Gaza are intertwined.
"There are no magic solutions. Every plan has risks and opportunities, and no one guarantees success. But we know we must first rescue the hostages—there’s no argument there. We also know we don’t want Israel to remain in Gaza. That’s not just an economic burden; it risks deepening our international isolation and destroying the regional opportunity. That would block partnerships with moderate Arab states,” she said.
“We need to establish a technocratic interim government with the support of moderate Arab countries like the UAE and Saudi Arabia. They would manage the reconstruction, control financial aid, and help build a police force—a new sheriff in town,” Dekel added.
“Israel must retain its freedom of action—no one else will eliminate terror infrastructure for us," Polak-David continued.
"But this way, in a few years, we can reach a different reality. De-radicalization is key. We must prevent the rise of another generation of ‘Nakba brigades.’ That means tackling education and incitement—something the UAE and Saudis have done successfully at home and want to implement in Gaza.”
What about Egypt’s plan?
“It’s far from perfect, but the fact that there’s an Arab initiative with key elements that benefit us, such as a technocratic interim government and police training with Egyptian and Jordanian involvement, is something we should welcome. It’s a basis for dialogue, not something to dismiss," Polak-David said.
"Rejecting it outright sends the wrong message and distances us from building a new Middle East reality. We cannot live under the illusion that two million people will willingly relocate. We must think pragmatically and find real solutions.”
How do you get consensus across a split political spectrum?
“It’s an ongoing conversation," Polak-David said.
"In the end, we wrote a political-security plan and got over 100 senior figures to sign on and identify with it. We were careful to make it a diverse, non-political group representing different sectors of society—high-tech, economics, academia. It was easier than we thought.”
“We avoid involving figures with a clear political identity—it limits us. Conditions change. Even Syria has changed. But many people want to join—that’s a positive sign,” Dekel added.
Where do things stand today?
“Our first step was to get on the playing field. We launched the initiative at a successful conference ahead of Trump’s return to the White House. We presented our poll results showing strong public support and sent a letter to Trump on behalf of the coalition,” Polak-David stated.
“We won’t rest until the Israeli government adopts and actively advances this plan,” Dekel declared.
“This is our chance to translate our phenomenal military achievements into a new regional order in the Middle East. It requires immediate decisions—how to deal with Iran, how to handle the day after in Gaza, and how to fast-track the Abraham Accords, which are at risk. This is an opportunity we must seize with both hands—and seize it now.”
