The October 7 attacks and subsequent war have exposed deep fissures in Israeli society, none starker than the near-complete absence of the haredi (ultra-Orthodox) community from the national response. This moment may prove to be a historical watershed in relations between mainstream Israeli society and its ultra-Orthodox community.
Even in the unlikely event that tomorrow morning, the haredi leadership will have a deep change of heart, the scars formed by standing alone in Israel’s existential moment will remain.
An unprecedented moment in Jewish history
The haredi leadership’s response to this crisis has been marked by a conspicuous lack of solidarity with those serving on the frontlines. While secular and religious-Zionist Israelis have fought and died defending the nation, the haredi community has largely maintained its isolation.
The lives of the conscripts and reservists’ families have been consumed by anxiety for the past year and a half, while the vast majority of haredi families have carried on their daily routines.
This separation goes beyond mere non-participation in military service; it reflects a deeper disconnect in how different segments of Israeli society perceive their collective responsibilities during times of existential threat.
The haredim did not show up to fight; they ignored the calls of their Israeli brothers to join the fight, and, in some cases, even responded by belittling the contribution of the soldiers, instead promoting the idea that it is only in the merit of those learning Torah that the IDF is successful.
One ironic headline in the leading haredi newspaper Mishpacha reflected that the deal between Israel and haredi society is one-sided, except they were referring to the political support they are giving Netanyahu’s government and the promises he has broken to exempt the haredi boys from the draft.
As reservists have given hundreds of days during the war, haredi politicians have worked to secure legal exemptions for their students and deepen economic incentives not to serve. The damage to families, marriages, and small businesses will not resolve overnight. It is not just material or physical damage but a deep emotional and social scar.
Historical parallels and their lessons
History offers instructive parallels of societal divisions during national crises. During the American Civil War, wealthy northerners could avoid military service by paying for exemptions or hiring substitutes, creating deep resentment among those who bore the burden of combat.
This inequality erupted in the 1863 Draft Riots in New York, where what began as an immigrant and working-class revolt against the draft devolved into deadly race riots – a civil war within the Civil War.
Disparities in sacrifice between social classes during World War I in Britain eventually forced broader conscription with fewer exemptions.
History suggests that when segments of society are perceived as avoiding shared sacrifice during existential threats, the resulting social tensions can persist for generations.
Leadership constraints and grassroots possibilities
The haredi leadership faces a fundamental dilemma. Their authority rests largely on maintaining the community’s separation from mainstream society. Any significant compromise on military service or secular education could threaten, in their eyes, the foundations of their way of life. This reduces the chance of change starting at the top.
More promising signs may emerge at the grassroots level, where a growing number of young haredim seek greater integration into mainstream society. This crisis could accelerate these trends as more community members question the sustainability of complete separation during national emergencies. However, without policy changes – on the economic and security fronts – it is hard to see how these changes scale in pace with the needs of the country.
The likely political and social aftermath
The aftermath of this war will likely mark a turning point in Israeli society’s relationship with its haredi community. The social contract that has governed this relationship for decades appears increasingly untenable. The traditional arrangement allowing for haredi autonomy and state support may face unprecedented challenges. The Israeli public’s tolerance for maintaining the status quo has been severely diminished by the community’s response to this crisis.
Beyond the moral problem, mass exemption presents a serious security challenge for Israel’s future. The scar of standing alone will exist alongside Israelis’ pride, having repeatedly answered the call to defend their country.
For now, one thing appears certain: The memory of who stood up to be counted during this national existential moment will long influence Israeli society’s approach to its internal divisions and shared responsibilities.
The writer is a founding partner of Goldrock Capital and the founder of The Institute for Jewish and Zionist Research. He currently co-chairs the Coalition for Haredi Employment and is a former chairman of Gesher and World Bnei Akiva.
